Foto Aksi seorang Sahat menendang lambang Pancasila dan menjabarkan Pancagila. (Foto: Facebook)
Sahat Safiih Gurning, seorang pria asal warga Desa Tangga Batu,
Parmaksian, Toba Samosir, ditangkap polisi karena melakukan aksi atau mengkritik dengan memposting tentang realita pancila dan pancagila. Ia
melakukan kritikan sosial dengan cara yang, yakni dengan mengubah Pancasila menjadi Pancagila, yang merupakan lambang negara.
Kasus Salfih memang patut diapresiasi oleh beberapa kalangan karena tindakannya yang benar-benar berani dan lantang, tindakannya memang lebih gila dibanding yang dilakukan Zaskia Gotik
"Itu bukan penghinaan tetapi ekspresi karena kesalnya dengan negara ini,
melihat kondisi negara ini yang katanya Pancasila, tapi pejabatnya
tidak bersih. Itu kritikan," Kata pengacara Salfih
Meski harus tinggal dibalik terali besi akibat tindakannya itu, dengan dakwa jaksa "Perbuatan terdakwa merupakan tindak pidana penghinaan terhadap Lambang
Negara dan melanggar Pasal 68 UU No 24 Tahun 2009 tentang Bendera,
Bahasa dan Lambang Negara serta lagu Kebangsaan atau Pasal 154 huruf a
KUHP."
Tindakannya tersebut harus diapresiasi karena secara rasional kritikannya dapat dimengerti oleh semua pihak, apalagi ia sebagai seorang aktivis, itu adalah realitas sistem pancasila di indonesia. Namun sayang inilah indonesia. yang benar disalahkan dan yang salah dibenarkan, Miris. Sesal seorang netizen
Salfih adalah seorang mantan aktivis mahasiswa yang lulus dari Institut Teknologi Medan (ITM)
pada 2015 dan kini aktif di kegiatan sosial di Toba Samosi.
Recent reports of a suspension of military cooperation
between Indonesia and Australia were wildly exaggerated. But, they
emphasise the importance of proper intercountry linguistic, cultural and
political understanding, Bradley Wood writes.
Indonesia’s official state ideology, the Pancasila, has re-emerged as
a dominant feature in political rhetoric, while also being perceived as
a vulnerable political target by Indonesia’s political elite during a
very sensitive time in Indonesia.
It’s no surprise then, that the recent bilateral incident between Australia and Indonesia involving the alleged laminated display of the political send-up ‘Pancagila’ (the five crazy principles), along with other politically sensitive training material about Indonesia’s chequered past in West Papua provoked an official response.
There have long been suspicions among Indonesia’s political elite
about Australia’s intentions regarding West Papua dating back to
Indonesia’s independence. These continue to linger in the minds of some
Indonesians because of Australia’s instrumental
role in securing East Timor’s independence. This latest development has
only raised the spectre of such pre-existing suspicions.
Recent political rhetoric in Indonesia has centred on reminding Indonesia’s citizens about its founding principles, namely the Pancasila—the five principles that make up Indonesia’s official ideology. This follows mass demonstrations backed by Indonesia’s Islamic hardliners in November and December last year, against the incumbent Jakarta Governor,
locally known as Ahok, for alleged blasphemy. Various political forces
within Indonesia have capitalised on these events in the run-up to next
month’s regional elections, which includes the Jakarta Governor’s seat,
now seen as an ascension pathway to the presidency.
Inaccurate reporting
of the ‘Pancagila’ incident, based on the initially limited coverage in
the Indonesian press, gave rise to a public perception in Australia
that it had caused a significant suspension in military cooperation
between the two countries. The Australian media continued its media
frenzy even after a detailed press conference
by the outspoken Commander of Indonesia’s military (TNI) General Gatot
Nurmantyo. This further fuelled the speculation of a blanket freeze on
military cooperation, despite Gatot’s emphasis on the good relationship
he has with the Chief of the Australian Defence Force (ADF), Mark
Binskin.
This media controversy, however, has since been adequately framed as a miscommunication between the TNI, the Ministry of Defence, and the Presidential Press office. A belated press
release was eventually produced by the Coordinating Minister for
Politics, Law, and Security, and former Commander of the TNI, Wiranto.
This clarified the Indonesian Government’s position—that only a specific
language training program between the two countries had been
temporarily suspended.
The ‘Pancagila’ send-up that was reportedly
sighted by an Indonesian language trainer at the Campbell Barracks in
Perth, however, was not an Australian creation. Last year, an Indonesian
court chose not to impose criminal sanctions after an Indonesian activist
posted the Pancagila principles on Facebook, signalling an historic
moment for freedom of expression in Indonesia. It has also been widely
used on social media by a number of Indonesian-associated accounts that date back to at least 2011.
Translated (see image), it reads: Belief in the one and only God /
The Financial Almighty; Just and civilised humanity / Corruption that is
fair and equitable; The unity of Indonesia / The unity of the political
elite within Indonesia’s legal system; Democracy guided by the inner
wisdom in the unanimity arising out of deliberations amongst
representatives / Power which is led by lust and depravity in the
conspiracy of hypocrisy; and, Social justice for all people of Indonesia
/ Social security for the whole family of officials and
representatives.
There is no doubt that the public display of such content at a
language training facility at the Campbell Barracks—where it would be
seen by Indonesian defence colleagues—was a significant political
mistake, with potentially serious implications for the bilateral defence
relationship.
However, the use of sensitive political material, such as
‘Pancagila’, by the ADF’s language students is important to Australia’s
official language and cultural training. Politically sensitive material
like this provides a valuable insight into Indonesia’s internal
political dynamics from an indigenous perspective, and it’s these
insights that contribute to a better understanding of Indonesia’s human terrain.
The outcome of an inquiry by the Chief of the Australian Army, Angus Campbell, is likely to have already been delivered, and there have been reports
that indicate Australian defence personnel have already been
reprimanded. It is important, however, that the Australian Army evaluate
these language materials beyond their politically sensitive attributes,
as they improve their linguistic and cultural understanding about their
largest neighbour and, arguably, their most important non-aligned
defence relationship—where respective interests often differ, but can
also be managed.
With such a diverse makeup in Indonesia, SARA tensions—a security
acronym used to explain ethnic, religion, race, and inter-group inspired
conflict—will likely continue to be a part of the internal dynamics of
Indonesia’s democratic process. The challenge for Indonesia will be
managing these tensions within the confines of its post-reformasi
democratic limits, without using the extreme concept of an external proxy war
involving Australia, to build its national cohesion. However, reminding
Indonesia’s large population about Pancasila and Indonesia’s national
motto Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity) may play an effective role here.
Indonesia continues, however, to face internal challenges
to the Pancasila ideology by hard-line Islamic groups, such as the
Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). These groups have also recently been trained by the TNI’s district command, albeit without official approval, as part of Indonesia’s civil defence program known as Bela Negara. Gatot Nurmantyo, however, has defended the right of the FPI to participate in the civilian defence training and there has been at least one approved incident of FPI members engaging in civil defence training that dates back to 2014.
While this is only basic civil defence education centred around
building a sense of patriotism, national awareness, and belief in the
Pancasila ideology, it demonstrates the complexities of Indonesia’s
policy response to uniting such a diverse population. In this case, it
appears that the TNI is playing an active role, and it’s therefore
within the ADF’s purview to understand this development in its entirety.
The ADF needs to pay attention to these internal dynamics and
political sensitivities in Indonesia to prevent any miscommunication
when it comes to Australia’s laid back sense of humour regarding world
politics. However, preventing the use of politically sensitive material
across all ADF Indonesian language programs, risks limiting the ADF’s
nuanced understanding of current developments impacting on the internal
security of a very important archipelagic neighbour.
Bradley Wood is a Master of Strategic Studies (Advanced)
student at the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National
University Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs.
